Where are the children?

Almost twenty years after El Salvador's civil war ended, efforts to reunite families go on, as described by the LA Times:

"They took my girl and said, 'Go, old lady!'" recalled her mother, Enma Orellana. The woman ran in fear, looking back just once, when the girl cried, "Mama!"

That was 29 years ago, when El Salvador waged war with itself and left hurts that have never healed. In the turmoil, more than 800 children disappeared, often into the hands of Salvadoran soldiers who used brutal tactics to battle leftist rebels and sympathizers.

The youngsters, including some whose parents had died, often ended up in orphanages under made-up names. Many were funneled by unscrupulous lawyers into a lucrative international adoption market or kept by the same military officers who took them. At least 400 remain missing.

Two decades after the end of the civil war, many Salvadoran parents — and, often, the children themselves — still search for loved ones, despite dimming memories and a trail that grows fainter each day.

For many, the only hope is a determined organization that uses shoe-leather detective work, modern tools such as Facebook and plenty of pluck to solve the wartime disappearances. It succeeds more often than you would think.

Orellana's dream to see her daughter again rests with the group, called the Assn. for the Search for Missing Children and known as Pro-Busqueda. Over the years, it has located nearly half of the disappeared, with the largest number in El Salvador and the second-most in the United States. Adoptees have been tracked to Italy, Mexico, Germany and Belgium.

Pro-Busqueda was founded by Jesuit priest Jon Cortina of the University of Central America. Through the years, it has reunited hundreds.

The story of children separated from their families will also be the subject of an upcoming documentary. From the website of the Sundance Film Institute:

¿Dónde Están? is a documentary about the search for children who disappeared during the Salvadoran civil war. Many were survivors of massacres carried out by US-trained battalions of the Salvadoran army; they were taken from the scene by soldiers, to grow up in orphanages or be raised by strangers, not knowing their true history or identity.

Over the years, the Salvadoran government did virtually nothing to address the tragedy of missing children, an omission which led to a judgment against El Salvador from the Inter-American Court for Human Rights.

Decree 743 repealed

El Salvador's National Assembly Wednesday repealed Decree 743, the controversial law which attempted to impose a requirement of unanimity on the Constitutional Court. The decree had set off a firestorm of protests from civil society groups and had created a constitutional crisis in the country. Both ARENA and the FMLN deputies voted for the repeal, after both parties had flip-flopped about their positions on the law. The repeal of Decree 743 serves to strengthen the principal of judicial independence in the country and will fortify El Salvador's democracy in the long run.

The gap between Funes and the FMLN

Elected under the banner of the FMLN, president Mauricio Funes has never been a follower of the party line. In an article today titled Growing Tension Between Funes and Ruling Leftwing Party, IPS reports that the gap between the president and the party who elected him seems to be growing:

While the party has taken a harder-line position more in tune with Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez's "21st century socialism", the president has continued to follow the neoliberal economic policies of his ARENA predecessors, but combined with broad social programmes, such as a conditional cash transfer scheme for the poor, a community health care plan, and the distribution of free books and uniforms to students.

In a survey published in June by the University Institute of Public Opinion (IUDOP), more than 50 percent of respondents said the Funes administration had not ushered in significant changes.

Funes' increasingly close ties with the business community and his distancing from the social organisations that supported him in the campaign have brought him in for harsh criticism from the left and applause from the right. (more).

Mixed crime news

When I first started writing this blog, I used to write regularly about the monthly murder statistics which the country's papers would publish. That soon grew too depressing, so I stopped writing so frequently about the murder rate. It's still depressing, but it's important to look at the trends occasionally.

The overall trend on murders in El Salvador shows no real improvement. Through the first six months of the year, there were 2120 murders in El Salvador. The number of homicides has remained at close to the same level as in the past two years, with only a slight reduction. This is true despite the presence of military troops in high crime areas and well-publicized raids like the mass arrests of more than 130 gang members at the end of June. There are still 11 to 12 murders on an average day in El Salvador, or an annualized murder rate of approximately 69.5 per 100,000 population.  

One potentially hopeful crime trend is a reported decrease in the number of kidnappings in El Salvador. The online new source InSight-Organized Crime in The Americas reports:

El Salvador authorities announced that there were half as many reported kidnapping cases in the last 12 months, compared to the previous 12 month-period. According to reports, the Special Unit for Organized Crime of the Attorney General's Office said that between June 1, 2010 and May 31, 2011 the police were informed of 37 kidnappings, compared with 77 cases the previous year. The office also said that 80 percent of those kidnappings had been resolved with the capture and conviction of the perpetrator.

According to the Attorney General's Office, this dramatic improvement is thanks to government security policies. The figures would give El Salvador one of the lowest kidnapping rates in Central America, with 0.5 cases per 100,000 inhabitants. However, many cases of kidnapping likely go unreported, making these figures questionable.

Another trend is the shifting geography of crime in the country. Of El Salvador's 14 departments, the department with the highest murder rate is Sonsonate in the western part of El Salvador.  Also from InSight:

The authorities have several explanations for why violence is rising in Sonsonante. As La Prensa Grafica reports, the National Police (PNC), say that rivalries among local gangs account for many killings in a region that is highly controlled by these “pandillas.” In fact, the police state that only two municipalities are not under gang control in the province. The sheer number of these criminal groups drives clashes, with a number of small-scale groups fighting for a piece of territory, sometimes block by block. Authorities have also said that violence has gone up in Sonsonate as a result of the release from prison of several gang leaders from the area. According to reports, their return likely provoked struggles with rivals for control of the region.

The killings in Sonsonate could also be due in part to a “balloon effect” caused by anti-gang policies in other parts of the country. With law enforcement efforts concentrated on the capital, San Salvador, the “maras” are forced to move to peripheral areas of the district, and to other regions. In the provinces of La Union and Cabañas, east of San Salvador, homicide rates have risen in 2011. The figures suggest that police deployment may be moving the violence from place to place, rather than eradicating it.

You can read my prior posts about crime in El Salvador by clicking on the topic "crime and violence."   The stories show a variety of different ineffectual government attempts to solve the problem, and an ongoing epidemic bringing tragedy into the lives of so many families in the country.

Gender equality and machismo

My friend Olivia works with children and families at a center in Mejicanos, a suburb of San Salvador.   She recently wrote a post in her blog about machismo in El Salvador titled Wake up, Raimundo, wake up.  In part of her essay Olivia describes a workshop she helped lead on the topic of gender equality:

It was a beautiful conversation about the roles of women, what kinds of things women and men can do, how women are objectified in this social, political, and economic spheres of society, and what kinds of things women are doing to take opportunities for ourselves when they are not handed to us. I was just so honored and proud of all the mothers I have grown to love speaking up. After the workshop, so many women came up to me to tell me they had learned new things and thought it was such an interesting, worthwhile meeting.

In the end, though, it was mostly a conversation about gender equality with women whose partners will continue to treat them with the same sexist attitude and expectations as always. One mother came up to me and thanked me for the workshop. “It was so interesting! Que bonito!” she said with a huge smile. “I only wish my husband were here. He is… well… he is a little bit machista.”

Read the rest of Olivia's essay here.

A different kind of ambassador

The current ambassador to El Salvador from the US is Mari Carmen Aponte.  In less than a year on the job, Ambassador Aponte has followed a different path from her predecessors Douglas Barclay and Charles Glazer, both appointed by president George W. Bush.   And its not just the fact that she is fluent in Spanish.

A couple of recent items illustrate what I am talking about.   On July 14, the Ambassador visited the Romero Center at the University of Central America (UCA).   The center is the site of the November 1989 massacre of the six Jesuit priests, their housekeeper and her daughter by Salvadoran troops.   Their murders occurred at a time when the US was providing economic and military support to the government of El Salvador during the civil war.  Although the Ambassador did not make any public statements, the symbolism is not dissimilar to the symbolism of president Obama visiting the tomb of Oscar Romero.  Here is a photo album from her visit.

The second item is an editorial column written by the ambassador which appeared on June 28 in La Prensa Grafica, El Salvador's largest paper, titled For the Elimination of Prejudices Wherever They Exist.  The editorial expressed the commitment of the US to the elimination of violence and discrimination against LGBT individuals.  The editorial was completely consistent with US policy expressed as recently as the day before in remarks by US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.

In this country where unfortunately violence and discrimination against LGBT individuals is widespread, ambassador Aponte's editorial was attacked by many.   The Voices from El Salvador blog explains:

The coalition of pro-life/pro-family groups opposed to Aponte’s ideas is comprised of 22 Salvadoran organizations, and 20 other organizations from the Americas and Europe. The group is accusing Aponte of violating international rules of diplomacy and international rights as stated in the Vienna Convention of the United Nations Assembly. This Convention provides that diplomats must abstain from interfering in the internal affairs of other states or countries, while simultaneously respecting the character of said states.

The coalition further argued that in “not accepting the legitimacy of ‘sexual diversity’ does not mean [they] are violating any human right.” The coalition rejects the notion that Aponte is defining the progress of human rights in El Salvador as the acceptance and promotion of LGBT issues. The group stated that they “prefer to feel proudly ‘old fashioned,’ keep [their] moral values…and preserve their families,” and to decide what is right and wrong themselves.

As I said, Ambassador Aponte is cut from a different cloth than the two wealthy white Republican businessman and political supporters of George Bush who preceded her as ambassador.

Getting quality immigration statistics

Emigration into the US and elsewhere is a major factor influencing the economy and culture of El Salvador. Dealing with migration is a major public policy challenge for the governments of El Salvador, the US, and other countries in the region. In discussing this topic, its important to try and get good information about the number and characteristics of migrants.

Two recent reports compile what appears to be the best statistics on the flow of persons across naitonal boundaries in the Americas. The Organization of American States (OAS), the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), and the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) presented their First Report on International Migration in the Americas on July 11. This report looks at migration both into and out of several countries in the Americas.

The nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute published its study Mexican and Central American Immigrants in the United States in June. This study focuses on the makeup of the migrant population in the US and looks at such immigration status, family structure, income, education and geographic distribution.

Both of these studies are recommended for anyone who wants to get a more accurate picture of migration.

In contrast, you need to be wary of the statistics in the popular press, which I have often found to be inaccurate. For example, this week there is a story from the Associated Press concerning Salvadorans who are working within El Salvador to educate others about the dangers of the trip through Central America to the US. The story about those efforts is worth reading, but the story contains a number of incorrect figures about migration. It states that El Salvador's population is around 7 million -- the actual number is around 6 million. (source-CIA World Factbook). It cites "official sources" that 3 million Salvadorans live in the US -- the two reports cited above point to a figure closer to 1.6 million.   It states that 200,000 Salvadorans received temporary protected status (TPS) because of the wartime experience of the country, but TPS has nothing to do with the civil war, but instead was a response to the 2001 earthquakes.

So be careful what you believe when you see statistics on migration.   This is too important a topic to rely on inaccurate information or anecdotes when trying to make policy decisions.  I'll always try to point you to quality information, with references to my sources, when writing on this and other topics.

Anthropology Museum at UTEC

On my most recent trip to San Salvador, I was introduced to a museum I had never visited before. It is the Anthropology Museum at the Technological University of El Salvador (UTEC). It's a museum on the urban campus of this university which seems to have gone under the radar of any guidebook written for visitors to San Salvador. This two story museum offers an overview of society and culture in El Salvador from pre-Colombian times up to the present. You can see a number of photos from the museum, as well as its hours and address at this link. Admission is free.

While the museum is much smaller than the excellent Guzman National Museum of Anthropology, it covers some aspects of culture which the Guzman does not, including an insightful exhibit on the history of migration in the Americas.

A human chain for dignified housing

From Twitterfeed of IndignadosSV

Today a human chain stretched more than 2 kilometers through San Salvador to emphasize the type of human solidarity needed to resolve the tragedy of marginalized housing conditions. Residents of marginalized communities are locking hands with university students, middle class activists, youths and others in a chain stretching from the Salvador del Mundo monument to the monument to the Constitution.

This human chain makes a demand for dignified housing, a demand which is well-illustrated by this video from the campaign titled "Asymmetry":

The human chain is part of an awareness and fundraising campaign by the Salvadoran NGO Un Techo Para Mi Pais -- A Roof for My Country. The 2011 Campaign is titled "It Takes More Work."

Update:
Watch a video of the Human Chain at this link.

A formal ban on mining in El Salvador?

The ongoing mining struggle in El Salvador is covered in a lengthy article in The Nation titled Like Water for Gold in El Salvador. The article covers ground which will be familiar to readers of this blog, from the concerns of environmental activists in areas where gold mining is sought to the international arbitration between Pacific Rim and the government of El Salvador. The article also discusses the status of legislation to permanently ban metallic mining in this small country:

We came to meet FMLN members of the legislature’s environment and climate change committee, including Lourdes Palacios, a three-term member from San Salvador with purple glasses and an easy smile. Palacios explained that they were ready with a bill to ban metals mining, but at the request of the executive branch, they were waiting for the outcome of [a technical review ordered by the government] before introducing it.

A representative from the department of Chalatenango, just west of Cabañas and an FMLN stronghold, expressed impatience at how long the review was taking and his conviction that “economic and political powers” were “putting pressure on non-FMLN legislators.” For the FMLN legislators, he stressed, “the pressure is the will of the people, and we are convinced that the majority of the people don’t want mining.” The FMLN does not have an absolute majority in the legislature; still, those present expressed confidence that the ban could pass if the executive branch recommended it. One legislator suggested that El Salvador might have an easier time saying no than countries already dependent on revenues from gold exports.

For his part, president Mauricio Funes has stated publicly that during the remaining three years of his administration, no gold mining project would be authorized.

Interview with Inspector General of the National Civilian Police

The Washington Office on Latin America has posted this video of an interview with Zaira Navas, the Inspector General for El Salvador's National Civilian Police (PNC). Under Navas’ leadership, the Inspector General’s Office in El Salvador has investigated and recommended the dismissal of hundreds of police officers suspected of wrongdoing and criminal activities, including high-level police officers. As I wrote last year, she has performed her important role despite significant threats and opposition from certain elements in the country.

Hat tip to Larry Ladutke for forwarding this to me.

The parties versus the court

El Salvador's Constitutional Court, which rules on whether laws and executive actions violate the country's constitution, has emerged as a champion of the voting rights of individuals while paring back some of the powers of political party leadership.

In July 2010, the Constitutional Court ruled that legislative elections had to permit independent candidates and not simply involve closed slates of names chosen by political party leaders.

The Constitutional Court has ruled that two political parties, the PCN and PDC, no longer can run in elections, because they failed to achieve in the 2004 elections the minimum number of votes necessary to stay alive. This ruling set aside as a nullity a political accord reached among El Salvador's politicians which had allowed those parties to continue fielding candidates in subsequent elections.  As a consequence, on July 1, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal dissolved the PCN and PDC.  (Or did it? -- last week it appeared that the TSE's ruling may not have had the necessary signatures to become effective).

These rulings of the Constitutional Court on election issues have come with the votes of four of the five magistrates who make up the Court. The judge who has not joined the four judge rulings is Néstor Castaneda, the longest-serving member of the Court.

To reign in the power of the Constitutional Court, as it prepared to issue more rulings in the electoral area, El Salvador's political parties arranged to pass Decree 743 in the National Assembly. That decree requires unanimity among the five magistrates on the bench to approve a decision. Such consensus is rare and would essentially prohibit the court from producing new decisions. The decree essentially gives each magistrate a veto power over any ruling the court might be prepared to render.

The four magistrates then ruled that Decree 743 was void and would not be followed. In a subsequent ruling, the same four again attacked party prerogatives when they struck down a provision of the electoral laws which gave only the parties the right to challenge election results. The four magistrate majority ruled that individual citizens, as well as party officials, must have the right to impugn the tallies of votes.

The head of the official government journal, however, refused to publish this latest ruling of the Constitutional Court. He declared that the ruling was not effective because it violated Decree 743 in not having been signed by all five magistrates. President Funes declared himself to be a supporter of that position, yet told reporters that he did not believe there was any institutional crisis in the operating of El Salvador's government.

Although the FMLN did not vote for Decree 743, the party clearly feels threatened by the Court's rulings in favor of individual citizen voting rights over the control by party bosses. FMLN party secretary Medardo González attacked the Constitutional Court and its rulings, declaring that the Court had no right to change the constitution. Accusing the Court of pursuing a right-wing agenda, the FMLN official brought hundreds of party faithful to protest in front of the offices of the Supreme Court.

For their part, the four magistrates have replied that they did not feel threatened by the FMLN, and that they had no partisan agenda but simply ruled in a non-partisan fashion on the cases that were brought to them by Salvadoran citizens.

A proposal to remove the four magistrates was introduced but later set aside in the National Assembly.

The UN Special Reporter for Judicial Independence, Gabriela Knaul, criticized Decree 743 as an improper attack on judicial independence in the country. She called on El Salvador to repeal the infamous decree, and to work hard to strengthen the principle of judicial independence.

Finally, in an article in Jurist, researchers from FUSADES warned:

These developments present a grave challenge to El Salvador's democracy, unprecedented since the Peace Accords of 1992. Civil society is behind the "Fantastic Four" but it is not clear that the political class is willing to accept an independent Judiciary that will limit its power. El Salvador's political analysts have coined the term "partydocracy" to describe the system that has been in place since the Accords. Let us hope that this crisis is the interlude to a consolidation of a citizen's democracy.

What others are blogging

I've been on a little hiatus from blogging, but now I'm back and will resume regular posts about our favorite country. While I've been silent, others in the English language blogosphere have been writing some good stuff.

SHARE has a blog post about the exhumation of the body of environmental activist Juan Francisco Duran Ayala from a common grave. His family and grass roots organizations continue to demand a thorough investigation into his murder.

Voices from El Salvador has an interesting look at urbanization in El Salvador. The growth of city living has its own set of problems and challenges for the country which it struggles to address.

The CRISPAZ blog carries an English translation of an article from Diario Colatino about a raid by 270 police and soldiers on Center for Training for Local Development and Solidarity Economies (PROCOMES), an NGO which works with youth from its office in Nejapa. Protests have been raised about the use of excessive force and a lack of legal process surrounding the raid.

Mike Allison's Central American Politics blog describes the "big fat no" from the Salvadoran business community to the idea of paying more taxes to fund public security measures against crime.

Putting at-risk youth in the military

Human rights advocates have been criticizing Mauricio Funes' plans to require at-risk youth to receive military training and discipline. IPS has a story about the program and its critics:

Under the proposed scheme, some 5,000 at-risk youngsters between the ages of 16 and 18 would receive six months training from army officers in military discipline and physical fitnes but without weapons. They would be trained to work in civil protection and risk prevention efforts during emergencies.

They would then receive six months of courses in mountain climbing and other sports, first aid and vocational and skills training. The entire process would take a year, and during that time they would receive 250 dollars a month and would stay in "citizen training centres" specifically set up for the purpose and run by the army. The focus is on social integration and harnessing the productive potential of the youths, while putting them out of the reach of criminal groups.

But the plan has drawn criticism.

The government "has no idea of what it's about to do, and the big problem is that it will increase the risks faced by these young people, because they will emerge from the program as skilled labour power for gangs and drug traffickers," Benjamín Cuéllar, director of the Human Rights Institute at the Jose Simeón Cañas University (IDHUCA) of El Salvador, said vehemently.

Cuéllar told IPS a better idea would be to open sports facilities and skills training centres for young people, while guaranteeing them work, because after a year with the army they will return to the same poverty and crime-stricken surroundings, and the same pressure from gangs.

Creating options for at risk youth makes sense. Military style training might be good for certain youth. It might make sense as an alternative to incarceration for youth who are arrested. But involuntary service, for youth who someone deems "at-risk" without having committed a crime, impermissibly violates the human rights that must be respected, even for those "at-risk."